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by Sasanka Perera (The writer is on X as @sasmester)
The frenzied online actions of thousands of Sri Lankans responding to the Canadian actress, Maitreyi Ramakrishnan, calling herself an Eelam Tamil and opting not to identify herself with Sri Lanka has gone viral. Many of these were ‘Sinhalas’ from the country and the diaspora. An equal number of people spoke in support of the actress too, most being diasporic and local Tamils. Much of the latter was driven by a sense of online-Eelam nationalism. The liberal-woke types from Lanka claimed the Canadian actress as our own despite Ramakrishnan having made it very clear she does not want to be identified as such. The first two of these expressions are clear examples of ways in which nationalism should not manifest, usually as a divisive and exclusionary force. The liberal third expression is simply silly, irrelevant and sad. This said, I have never considered nationalism as useless or dangerous if it can be intelligently and inclusively fashioned to serve the nation. This is very different from my friends in the Sri Lankan Left, who have generally rejected all forms of nationalism.
However, one must be mindful that across the globe nationalism has long walked a dangerous tightrope. Too often, its supporters in different countries have defined the nation through an exclusionary lens, drawing narrow circles around who ‘truly’ belongs and pushing minority communities to the periphery. Two very dangerous ongoing manifestations are epitomised by the virulent US and Israeli nationalisms espoused by Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu. Consequences of their toxic rhetoric have gone beyond their national borders to impact the entire world. In Sri Lanka, this global malaise has found a localised anchoring as exemplified by the online explosion of competing ethnic nationalisms referred to at the beginning of this essay.
For decades, dominant political narratives have cast nationalism mostly in majoritarian and ethno-cultural and religious terms, overtly or subtly privileging the Sinhala identity. In doing so, this version has mostly alienated Tamil, Muslim, Burgher, and other communities, transforming a concept that should have ideally unified the people of the nation into a wedge that drives them apart. These other communities also have on their own come up with similarly competitive, exclusionary and at times, virulent forms of ethnoreligious natalisms.
But this is not how Sri Lankan nationalism emerged, at least among the elites, in the early years prior to independence. It was far more inclusive and inclusionary than we can fathom today. Compounding the present exclusionary trend is a more cynical phenomenon. That is the weaponization of identity by woefully unethical political interests. In the hands of many political parties and at present, among the fractured and irrelevant political opposition, nationalism in Sri Lanka has been reduced to crude, emotional rhetoric. Or to put it more clearly, it has been turned into a tool of convenience hauled out during election cycles or in times of existential political crisis to secure votes and support through divisive and chauvinistic mobilization. This phenomenon is clearly visible among Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim-dominated political parties.
This brand of nationalism is both offensive and counterproductive, even though many nationalisms in the world today work precisely like this. Such a negative, virulent and exclusionary nationalism only offers hollow slogans while failing to address the fundamental socio-economic realities and existential crises reaching across international borders that ordinary citizens must face regardless of whether they speak Sinhala or Tamil. It thrives on stoking fear rather than building state capacity or national pride.
To break this cycle, Sri Lanka must self-consciously move toward an inclusive civic nationalism. In my mind, this reimagined identity must necessarily encompass all Sri Lankans across ethnic, linguistic, and religious boundaries. This is the kind of nationalism that did exist among the elites prior to independence and also reemerged decisively during the public protests of the aragalaya. But I am unsure of its continuity, although it is clear the present government has not offered any ammunition to build a divisive and exclusionary nationalism within the country as in the past. Such inclusive civic nationalism however, does not manifest in the government’s dealings with other nations where the more dominant streak is an unfathomable sense of servility.
Crucially, this new civic nationalism must operate purely on behalf of the sovereign state and its national interest, refusing to use ethnicity or religion as filters for patriotism. It should also be a driver for our national interest when dealing with other countries –– big or small. When a citizen contributes to the economy, pays taxes, or defends the rule of law, their right to the nation is absolute. True nationalism respects diversity not as a concession, but as the very bedrock of the nation’s strength.
An inclusive nationalism, however, is not merely a domestic moral imperative; it is a geopolitical necessity as well. In an era where small nations are increasingly caught in the crosshairs of great power competition, Sri Lanka cannot afford to be internally fractured.
We have seen ample evidence of how external pressures can sideline our interests — whether through lopsided economic leverage, geopolitical arm-twisting, or diplomatic overreach by regional and global powers like India and China. Particularly this international dimension of nationalism has not seriously been discussed in Sri Lanka and it is hardly an integral part in our negotiations with other nations.
There has been continuous diplomatic pressure and policy lobbying, driven by long-term Indian security and political interests, to construct a physical road and rail link along with power and energy connections between India and Sri Lanka. While Indian proponents and their many Sri Lankan cohorts pitch this purely through an economic lens of trade and tourism, many Sri Lankans view it with deep apprehension. But this apprehension is hardly articulated in any sensible way in any sensible forum including in national politics. It is almost a whisper, albeit a widespread one. Beyond environmental vulnerabilities in the fragile Palk Strait ecosystem, there is a legitimate fear that an open land corridor would strip away Sri Lanka’s natural island strategic defence as well as its identity itself. It risks opening up the country to asymmetric socio-political pressures more than it endures at present, potential demographic and migration imbalances, and tighter economic subjugation by its massive neighbor, effectively transforming Sri Lanka into an easily accessible periphery of the Indian mainland. Besides, a physical link is not an absolute necessity for connectivity.
The Chinese situation is no different. Over the past two decades, aggressive infrastructure financing by Chinese state-owned banks have led Sri Lanka into high-cost commercial debt, culminating in the 2022 economic collapse and the infamous 99-year lease of the Hambantota Port to a Chinese joint venture. This highlights how a weak, fragmented state can be reduced to the role of a pawn in a ‘debt-trap’ or broader Indo-Pacific great power rivalry. When national leaders prioritise short-term political survival or personal patronage networks and wealth accumulation over national interest, critical sovereign assets are compromised, turning parts of Sri Lankan territory into strategic flashpoints for foreign powers. This has already happened in Sri Lanka.
An inclusive Sri Lankan nationalism ensures that decisions on sovereignty and borders as well as the value of national economic assets are evaluated from the standpoint of all citizens and only in the national interest –– not forced through by a locally powerful government with a compliant international relations outlook susceptible to external lobbying. A unified nation can objectively weigh economic connectivity against strategic vulnerability without internal or regional factions weaponizing the issue for sectarian advantage.
In my mind, an inclusive, civic nationalism establishes a firm, non-negotiable doctrine: no foreign power, whether Eastern or Western, regional or global, is permitted to compromise Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity or economic sovereignty. It ensures the country’s national interest and long-term survival are carefully aligned to the economic independence of the nation, ensuring that future governments maintain transparency, resist predatory lending, and treat national assets as sacred public trusts rather than bargaining chips. This does not mean the closure of opportunities for overseas investments. Rather, it means those investments would be based on transparency, on equal grounds and with equal benefits based on similar rules and conditions as those operational in the very countries we deal with.
When a nation is internally divided along ethnic and religious lines or is submissive in the way it deals with the world, it is inherently weak, vulnerable to external manipulation, and ill-equipped to negotiate fiercely.
A unified, inclusive Sri Lanka, backed by a nationalism rooted in collective strength and an inclusive sense of national pride rather than narrow exclusion, can stand its ground. Only then can we speak with one voice to defend our sovereignty, protect our economic assets, and chart an independent course in the Indian Ocean and the world.
Closing the Book: Fair regulation of gambling – V
Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace
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The 2026 US midterm elections may have been the most globally watched American elections. The results have exceeded all expectations in America and in the world. The vote is a resounding slap to the American President, louder than the defeat of Viktor Orban in Hungary or that of Aleksander Vucic in Serbia. While Orban and Vucic were able to manipulate their political systems and stay in power for well over a decade, the US system has seen to it that Trump will be kept within his term limits. Yet the same system allows Trump to continue in office for two more hectic years. In a parliamentary system, Trump would have had to leave the White House the day after the vote. In any event, he will be gone in two years. What will happen till then is predictably unpredictable like the man himself.
How it matters for the rest of the world is reflected in the comment made by Austria’s Foreign Minister Beate Meinl-Reisinger: “independent of the elections outcome, our security and prosperity in Austria and Europe must not depend on how people in Kansas or Iowa vote.” More than American voters, it may be Trump and Elon Musk who determine the security limits of America’s allies in Europe, through the satellite-based Starshield weapon system that Musk’s Space X company creates and supplies to the US government.
Around mid-October, allegedly at Trump’s behest, Musk is said to have remotely restricted Ukraine’s battlefield use of Starshield that Ukraine receives from the US government. According to Ukraine, the restriction that was done without notice weakened its capacity to ward off Russian drones. The news alarmed NATO allies and created a storm in Washington. Both Republican and Democrat lawmakers have been calling for investigation and accountability. The midterm results are a big impetus to kickstarting such an investigation.
There will be other investigations into the carnival of corruption that the Trump’s presidency has become in its second term. Musk himself will likely be subjected to intense scrutiny. His brutal approach to downsizing government and slashing USAID overseas will be one area that will be investigated. Another would be to find out how Musk’s businesses have benefited from laxed regulations and easy permits at the federal and state levels of government in the last two years.
Hoping to forestall Congress investigations, Musk bankrolled nearly half a billion dollars to protect his Republican guardians in Congress and in State governments. His gamble to control the course of politics has spectacularly backfired. Now it is up to Congress with its new electees to show that they can hold to account America’s powerful and the wealthiest, without burning itself in the process.
The midterm’s implications for the Iran war and its continuing economic havocs are not clear. There have been mixed reports on Trump’s intentions. One report is that a deal with Iran was 80% ready for signing before the midterm. According to another, Trump had advised Gulf States that he will resume a new round of attacks on Iran after the midterm. The midterm results have strengthened the opposition to the war among Republicans in Washington, with Vice President JD Vance, the consummate chameleon of contemporary American politics, squarely blaming the war for the Republican defeat. Not without the quiet concurrence of his boss.
Congress Republicans are also riling up to impeach Pete Hegseth, Trump’s handpicked and self-named Secretary of War, likely for incompetence and potential war crimes. Unless Hegseth resigns soon, the present House Republicans want him impeached before the end of the year and steal a political march on the new Congress led by Democrats that will take over in January. All of this puts President Trump in a bind and will force him to take a diplomatic route to end the war. For the rest of the world and for all Americans, the end of the war and the opening of the Strait of Hormuz cannot come any sooner. To their credit, American voters have made it clear that they do not want a resumption of attacks in the Middle East.
The midterm results are revelatory at multiple levels. They show American electoral democracy at work, in a country of 350 million people, synthesizing myriads of local variations and conflicts of age, gender, race, religion, education, employment and income into representational outcomes at the State and national levels. The spread and depth of electoral losses came as a shock to Republicans who were resigned to getting the usual midterm knuckle-rap against an incumbent president. Equally shocked are Democrats, not only by their majority margins in the House and in the Senate but also by their victories in States and Districts that they have not won in 30 to 100 years. Even where they lost, Democrats were only inches away, in American Football parlance, from scoring more touchdowns.
At the aggregate level, Democrats have outperformed to historic proportions, reaching the largest popular vote, and the largest House and Senate majorities, since the first post-Watergate election in 1974. Pundits are calling Trump’s midterm punishment as another watershed moment like the Watergate. The vote total for the House elections in all the States corresponds to 400 (out of 538) Electoral College votes in a hypothetical presidential election. The scale of defeat has stopped Trump from making baseless allegations about stolen elections and fraudulent voting. The magnitude of victory presents a new challenge to Democrats as they have to demonstrate to a restive electorate how different and better they will be in comparison to Trump’s Republicans.
Democrats have 215 seats and Republicans 220 seats in the current Congress and had to capture three Republican seats for a bare minimum majority of 218 (out of 435) seats in the next Congress. The tally now is Democrats 253 and Republicans 157, with 25 seats yet to be decided. So far, Democrats have flipped 43 Republican held seats. In the current Senate, there are 53 Republicans and 47 Democrats. With Senate elections held every two years for a third of the Senators every two years, Senate elections were held in 35 States, and Democrats had to win four new Senate seats for a majority of 51. They have captured seven so far, while prevailing in all the 13 States they now hold. The Senate tally is 54 Democrats and 44 Republicans with Alaska and Mississippi yet to be called. Democrats are leading in both and will likely have a comfortable majority of 56 Senators.
In both the House and Senate victories, Democrats made extensive inroads into hitherto Republican territories. Trump had won six of the seven flipped States in his three presidential runs in 2016, 2020 and 2024: Iowa and Ohio in the Midwest; and Kansas, Texas, North Carolina and South Carolina in the South. Democrats have not won statewide election since 1988 in Texas, and not since 1932 in Kansas. In addition to the House and the Senate, Democrats have also won a majority of the Governors’ elections in individual States along with elections to the State legislative bodies and local agencies.
Trump won the 2024 presidential election by attracting young male voters in very large numbers and significantly increasing the traditionally low Republican shares of white working class as well as Black and Latino voters. He won them over by vehemently promising to lower prices and make life affordable again; to take control of immigration and the borders; and to end the wars in Gaza and in Ukraine. Nothing has gone according Trump’s promises or plan, and the midterm results are comeuppance.
His Liberation Day tariffs have taken a toll on American consumers and caused trade precarities for the rest of the world. The war in Iran which he started on a whim has led to price increases in fuel and fertilizers everywhere, and they have hit rural Republican Americans harder than others in America. No one liked the violent crackdown on immigrants, especially Latin Americans who voted for him heavily in 2024. The indiscriminate apprehension of immigrants has created labour shortages in businesses, particularly in the construction industry. Americans across the board finally got disgusted with the level of corruption in the Trump Administration.
While rebuking and restraining the President, the midterm wave is also sending a new cross-section of representatives to Washington and to the State Capitals. The results show quite a number of historic firsts reflecting the diverse American society and rejecting the MAGA aversion to diversity. The most remarkable first is the election of a Muslim American as the US Senator from Michigan. Abdul El-Sayed, the American-born son of Egyptian American parents and highly accomplished Doctor of Medicine, convincingly won the Senate race in Michigan after withstanding a barrage of Islamophobic attacks from the US President at the top to every Republican hack below. According to Alvin Tillery of Northwestern University, “the simplest explanation is that the electorate finally caught up with the country.” In that sense, Trump and MAGA have been trying to fly in the face of the American reality. The midterm has stopped that in midflight.
Continue Reading Features The Sunset Years! Published
Staying away from elderly parents, being overseas or in a different city in India itself, gives rise to that familiar worrisome feeling, a constant sense of anxiety lurking at the back of the mind, along with a lingering sense of guilt for having left them behind in the first place.
Shrinking families, vanishing support systems and busy careers, often result in parents being left to fend for themselves in large houses that pose a security threat, or in apartments with temperamental neighbors and cantankerous housing societies. Thousands of young Indians, either emigrating or changing cities each year for higher education, lucrative jobs or a better lifestyle, are forced to leave behind their greatest treasure – their elderly parents with broad smiles and cheerful exteriors, who hide behind their moist eyes untold stories of loneliness, anxiety, fear and uncertainty that they would rather not share with their children.
Apart from loneliness and the anxiety of being separated, times of illness and emergencies make even simple chores like going to the bank, standing in a queue for a gas cylinder or paying a bill a big challenge, going to the doctor or a dentist becomes an ordeal. Suffering from painful separation, lacking emotional support coupled with physical insecurity, both parents and children live on the hope of reuniting in the foreseeable future, only to find it more and more difficult as the years go by.
However, some children choose to return and do come back to stay with their parents either on a different floor of the same house or in an adjoining floor of a block of flats in the same building. This not only gives elderly parents a facade of independent living yet enables keeping an eye on them to assist them as and when required .
Life rolls on, time flies and very soon, since parents normally do not outlive their children, you have the reverse of the “empty nest ” syndrome. With the passing of the parents it is the children’s turn now to be left alone and face that peculiar emptiness in their lives! They face a void, the anchors that influenced their lives are now gone, their ample presence had been felt on numerous occasions in different ways, actually their proximity had been enough for they knew parents were always there for them. With the parent’s house verily becoming a shrine, simply going back to the house gives rise to a strange indescribable yet painful vacuum, a feeling of emptiness and a realization that they now need to pick up the threads and face the world with fortitude, all by themselves.
While we often hear of elderly parents being left alone and pining for company, there are countless loving and dutiful children who change countries, even cities, sacrificing lucrative careers in the process, to support their parents in their sunset years. Now its the children who have become alone, and got left behind with the burden of memories, an empty shrine to cater to and for a comparatively longer time then the period they joyfully enjoyed with their elderly parents. These children too deserve empathy, do spare a thought for them!
(Priyan R Naik is an author, columnist and independent journalist based in Bengaluru, India and regularly writes columns for Indian, Laotian, Bangladeshi and Malaysian newspapers.)
Floral artistry will lend its beauty to a charitable cause when Ikebana International Sri Lanka Chapter No. 262 holds its annual exhibition, “Blossoms of Hope”, on November 14 and 15 at the Duke’s Rooms, Cinnamon Lakeside.
The exhibition will feature arrangements individually created by members, showcasing their talent in the ancient Japanese art of ikebana. Part of the proceeds will go towards purchasing medication for the Children’s Ward at Apeksha Cancer Hospital, Maharagama.
This year’s exhibits will be grouped by flower type, allowing visitors to discover the different ways members interpret their chosen blooms. Each arrangement will reflect its creator’s approach to composition, bringing together the character of the flowers and the expressive possibilities of ikebana.
With careful attention to line, balance and space, ikebana encourages an appreciation of each element in an arrangement. A branch’s curve, a flower’s angle or the placement of a leaf can all contribute to the overall effect. There will be demonstrations by members held on both days at 4.00 p.m.
The tradition traces its roots to floral offerings at Buddhist altars after Buddhism was introduced to Japan in the sixth century. Over time, these offerings developed into an independent art form. Today, ikebana embraces both established forms and contemporary interpretations.
“Blossoms of Hope” will offer visitors an opportunity to experience this living tradition through the work of the chapter’s members. Its charitable purpose adds a further dimension to the exhibition, connecting the pleasure of viewing flowers with support for children receiving care at Apeksha Cancer Hospital.
The exhibition will be open on November 14 from 11.00 a.m. to 7.00 p.m. and on November 15 from 10.00 a.m. to 6.00 p.m., at the Duke’s Rooms, Cinnamon Lakeside
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