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Why affordable energy, domestic entrepreneurship, fair taxation and retaining skilled professionals must become the foundations of Sri Lanka’s economic transformation
By Dilum Alagiyawanna Environmentalist | Wildlife Conservationist | Public Policy Analyst
Recognising home-based digital exporters
A modern electricity pricing framework should recognise that the distinction between a home and a workplace is becoming increasingly blurred.
Sri Lanka could examine whether verified home-based digital businesses might qualify for an appropriate electricity tariff arrangement.
Such an arrangement could involve optional separate metering, transparent eligibility requirements or another auditable mechanism for identifying genuine productive consumption.
However, the policy would require careful design.
It should not allow wealthy households to reclassify ordinary domestic consumption to obtain unjustified subsidies.
Nor should it impose excessive administrative requirements on small freelancers.
Existing domestic time-of-use tariffs, improved energy efficiency and better cooling technologies should also be evaluated.
Any proposed concession must account for the actual cost of electricity supply and avoid transferring unjustified costs to other consumers.
The objective should be to ensure that legitimate home-based economic activity is not unnecessarily disadvantaged by tariff structures developed for an earlier economic era. Sri Lanka’s digital economy will not be built exclusively inside large data centres.
Part of it will be built in ordinary homes, by Sri Lankans who sell their knowledge, creativity and professional expertise to the world.
Taxation, disposable income and the loss of human capital
Energy affordability is only one component of the economic environment faced by skilled professionals.
Taxation, housing, healthcare, education, professional opportunities and confidence in the country’s future also influence whether individuals choose to remain in Sri Lanka.
The country’s standard personal income tax structure includes progressive rates reaching a maximum marginal rate of 36%.
However, qualifying income from services provided to overseas users and received in foreign currency through Sri Lankan banking channels benefits from a concessionary maximum rate of 15%, subject to the relevant statutory conditions.
This distinction is important. Not all freelancers or digital-service exporters face the ordinary maximum income tax rate.
Nevertheless, tax policy should be evaluated alongside disposable income, business operating costs and incentives for entrepreneurship.
Sri Lanka continues to experience substantial outward labour migration
According to the Central Bank’s published statistics, 311,223 Sri Lankans departed for foreign employment in 2025, compared with 314,670 in 2024.
A substantial proportion of these workers were classified within skilled occupational categories.
However, this broad classification should not be confused with university-qualified professionals alone.
Furthermore, foreign-employment departures do not necessarily represent permanent emigration.
Some workers return, others migrate repeatedly, and professionals relocating through permanent residence, education and other visa pathways may not be fully captured in those figures.
Sri Lanka therefore needs a more comprehensive statistical framework for understanding the international movement of its skilled workforce.
Professional migration cannot be attributed to a single cause
International salary differences, career development, research opportunities, public services, quality of life and family circumstances all influence migration decisions.
Nevertheless, retaining and attracting skilled people must become an important national development objective.
A software engineer, scientist, medical professional or technology entrepreneur who remains in Sri Lanka may contribute not only direct economic output but also innovation, mentorship, institutional knowledge and future enterprise creation.
At the same time, overseas Sri Lankans contribute through remittances, investment, professional networks and international knowledge exchange.
The objective should not be to discourage legitimate international mobility.
It should be to make Sri Lanka an attractive country in which skilled people can choose to build their careers and businesses.
A country cannot build an AI-driven economy merely by investing in computing infrastructure. It must also create conditions in which the people capable of using that infrastructure can afford to remain, innovate and prosper.
The relationship between taxation, entrepreneurship and national revenue
There is another fiscal dimension that deserves serious consideration.
If affordable electricity, predictable taxation and improved business conditions encourage domestic enterprises to expand, the resulting economic activity may broaden the country’s tax base.
Similarly, encouraging skilled individuals to earn internationally while remaining in Sri Lanka could support domestic consumption, investment and public revenue.
However, it would be economically irresponsible to assume that every tax reduction or electricity concession automatically pays for itself through higher growth.
The costs and benefits must be carefully modelled.
Sri Lanka must maintain fiscal stability while creating an environment that rewards productive economic activity.
The relevant policy question is therefore not simply how much tax revenue can be collected from existing businesses and professionals.
It is also how public policy can enable more businesses to succeed, more people to earn taxable incomes and more domestic economic value to be created.
Tax policy and energy policy should be coordinated with wider objectives for entrepreneurship, productivity and export growth.
From a handful of major investments to thousands of competitive enterprises
Sri Lanka’s development strategy should place greater emphasis on the cumulative economic potential of domestic entrepreneurship.
Consider the benefits if thousands of small businesses could reduce electricity expenditure, modernise equipment and improve productivity.
Imagine additional agricultural producers gaining access to reliable refrigeration and processing facilities.
Consider village-based manufacturers expanding beyond domestic markets, or small engineering enterprises adopting modern production technologies.
Imagine independent software developers and digital consultants exporting services directly to international customers while continuing to live in Sri Lanka.
None of these opportunities will arise automatically through lower electricity prices.
Access to finance, skills development, technological adoption, efficient regulation and international market connections are also essential.
Nevertheless, competitively priced electricity could remove one important constraint on productive activity.
Unlike economic development concentrated in a small number of industrial facilities, stronger domestic enterprises can distribute opportunities across districts and communities.
Foreign direct investment should remain part of this strategy
But major investors should also be encouraged to develop domestic supplier networks, establish technological partnerships and create opportunities for local MSMEs.
The aim should not be to choose between foreign investors and domestic entrepreneurs.
It should be to establish an economy in which both contribute to higher productivity, stronger exports and sustained national value creation.
The strategic opportunity cost of exporting wind power
Sri Lanka possesses significant wind-energy resources, particularly along its north-western coast and potentially in offshore waters.
In April 2025, Sri Lanka and India signed a memorandum of understanding concerning a high-voltage direct-current electricity interconnection intended to facilitate electricity imports and exports.
Such infrastructure could provide considerable benefits.
A bidirectional interconnection could allow Sri Lanka to import electricity during domestic supply shortages and export surplus renewable generation when economically advantageous.
The concern is not international electricity trading itself.
It is the possibility of committing strategically valuable generation resources to inflexible long-term export agreements without adequately examining future domestic requirements.
Consider a hypothetical 500 MW wind-energy development operating at an annual capacity factor of 40%.
Such a project could generate approximately 1.75 billion kilowatt-hours annually.
At an illustrative export price of six US cents per kilowatt-hour, annual gross export receipts would amount to approximately US$105 million.
The net economic value retained by Sri Lanka would depend on financing, generation costs, transmission arrangements, ownership and contractual terms.
The important question is whether that electricity could create greater national value through domestic utilisation.
Could it replace more expensive electricity generation?
Could it help lower the cost of supplying energy to domestic industry?
Could it support the expansion of manufacturing, agricultural processing or higher-value digital services?
Alternatively, would the electricity otherwise be curtailed because domestic demand and available grid capacity were insufficient?
These different circumstances require different economic conclusions.
Exporting electricity that would otherwise be wasted may create substantial additional value.
Likewise, dedicated export-oriented renewable projects may be commercially worthwhile if they provide sufficient national economic benefit without compromising domestic energy security or causing unacceptable ecological damage.
However, theoretical wind-energy potential should never be confused with electricity that is genuinely surplus to national requirements.
Sri Lanka should export electricity where doing so generates demonstrably greater national benefit, rather than treating electricity exports as an automatic development priority.
Mannar: The ecological costs cannot be ignored
The environmental implications of renewable-energy development remain central to this debate.
Mannar is one of Sri Lanka’s ecologically sensitive coastal landscapes, associated with internationally important migratory bird movements, wetlands and marine biodiversity.
Inappropriately located wind developments can create risks of bird collisions, habitat fragmentation and cumulative ecological disturbance.
These concerns require rigorous scientific evaluation.
The transition away from fossil fuels should not become an excuse for unnecessary environmental destruction.
In November 2025, the Government acknowledged environmental and social concerns regarding wind-energy development on Mannar Island, with the Cabinet supporting the decision not to implement further new projects there without local community consent.
This demonstrates the importance of environmental safeguards, scientific assessments and public participation.
Where renewable electricity is intended primarily for overseas markets, the distribution of environmental costs and economic benefits deserves particular scrutiny.
Sri Lanka should not compromise environmentally sensitive landscapes merely because the available renewable resource appears commercially attractive.
Strategic environmental assessments, cumulative ecological studies, appropriate exclusion zones and continuous monitoring should form part of renewable-energy planning.
The objective must be to develop renewable electricity without undermining biodiversity and the wider ecological systems on which communities and other economic activities depend.
Climate resilience and future energy security
Long-term electricity planning must also consider the increasing uncertainty associated with climate variability and extreme weather.
Hydropower generation depends partly on rainfall and reservoir conditions, while wind and solar generation vary according to seasons and time of day.
Periods of drought, extreme rainfall, high temperatures and infrastructure disruption may create simultaneous pressures on electricity supply.
These challenges reinforce the need for diversified generation, energy storage, reliable transmission infrastructure and effective demand management.
A well-designed electricity interconnection with India could strengthen national resilience by allowing access to additional electricity when domestic production becomes constrained.
However, long-term export contracts must preserve appropriate flexibility to protect domestic electricity security.
A national renewable-energy strategy should be tested against different climate, economic growth and electricity demand scenarios.
Affordable electricity is important, but dependable electricity is equally essential.
For a manufacturer operating production machinery or a professional serving overseas clients, interruptions can impose costs considerably greater than the electricity charge itself.
Sri Lanka must therefore aim for the lowest sustainable total cost of reliable electricity, rather than simply the lowest apparent cost of individual generating technologies.
A national economic transformation framework
Sri Lanka now requires an integrated development framework connecting electricity policy with industrial competitiveness, household welfare, entrepreneurship, digital transformation and human-capital retention.
Such a framework should address several interconnected priorities.
First, national electricity planning should incorporate clearly defined scenarios for accelerated industrialisation, domestic entrepreneurship, AI infrastructure and transport electrification.
Second, renewable-energy investment should be evaluated according to its contribution to lowering the long-term cost of reliable electricity.
Third, the Government should establish a transparent international benchmark of actual industrial electricity costs, comparing representative Sri Lankan enterprises with competitors in other Asian economies.
Fourth, household electricity affordability should be reviewed using a more comprehensive understanding of income, family circumstances and essential electricity requirements.
Fifth, the feasibility of appropriate arrangements for verified home-based digital exporters and other microenterprises should be examined.
Sixth, domestic entrepreneurship should receive stronger support through access to finance, technology, skills development and international markets.
Seventh, major foreign investment should be encouraged to generate meaningful domestic economic linkages, including opportunities for MSMEs.
Eighth, professional retention and international mobility should be monitored through improved statistics, while policies should encourage skilled Sri Lankans to live, work and invest domestically.
Ninth, electricity export agreements should undergo independent economic and environmental appraisal, taking account of alternative domestic uses and future energy-security requirements.
Finally, renewable-energy development must be accompanied by grid modernisation, storage investment, climate resilience and ecological safeguards.
These priorities should not be pursued as disconnected initiatives by different ministries and institutions.
They should become components of a coherent long-term national economic development strategy.
The economic value of the next megawatt
The ultimate challenge is to maximise the economic and social value generated by Sri Lanka’s limited resources.
One megawatt of electricity can support export revenue.
It can also contribute to a manufacturing enterprise, an agricultural processor, a technology startup, a university laboratory or a home-based professional earning foreign exchange.
These uses differ in their capital requirements, employment intensity, productivity, economic returns and environmental impacts.
No single option will always be preferable.
That is precisely why electricity policy must be guided by independent economic analysis rather than predetermined assumptions.
National energy development should be assessed against several measures: economic value added, electricity affordability, export competitiveness, employment, technological capability, fiscal sustainability, energy security and environmental protection.
Importantly, economic value should not be measured solely through the direct revenue generated by a particular electricity consumer.
Domestic supply chains, skills development, innovation and long-term economic resilience also matter.
For Sri Lanka, the objective should be to build an electricity system that becomes a foundation for wider national prosperity.
The danger of being penny wise and pound foolish
In October 2024, I warned that Sri Lanka could compromise future economic opportunities by prioritising immediate financial returns from renewable-energy exports.
Two years later, that warning has acquired a much broader significance.
Sri Lanka is now contemplating greater investment in AI infrastructure while confronting persistent questions about electricity affordability, domestic entrepreneurship, taxation, employment opportunities and the retention of skilled professionals.
They are interconnected dimensions of national economic development.
What is the value of increasing electricity exports if domestic businesses cannot obtain reliable electricity at competitive prices?
What is the purpose of developing advanced digital infrastructure if skilled professionals struggle to find attractive opportunities within Sri Lanka?
And how can the country become a successful digital export economy if some of its most entrepreneurial citizens face substantial operating costs simply because they work from home?
These questions do not justify rejecting foreign investment, international electricity trading or fiscal discipline.
They demand a more integrated approach to national development.
Sri Lanka must recognise that economic transformation will not occur exclusively inside large industrial estates, data centres or foreign-owned infrastructure projects.
It will also take place in small factories, family businesses, agricultural processing facilities, research institutions, village enterprises and ordinary homes where independent professionals connect with international markets.
Sri Lanka’s long-term economic strength will depend not merely on how much foreign capital it attracts, but on how effectively it enables its own people to become productive, innovative and internationally competitive.
Our renewable-energy resources should help create those opportunities.
Electricity exports should complement national development, not constrain it.
The ultimate national ambition should not be to become a supplier of inexpensive electricity to other economies while domestic households and enterprises struggle with energy costs.
It should be to use affordable, reliable and environmentally sustainable energy to develop competitive industries, strengthen entrepreneurship, retain skilled people and generate higher-value exports.
Sri Lanka must move beyond exporting energy towards using energy to create lasting national value.
That is the difference between selling a resource and building a prosperous economy.
And it is why the warning against being penny wise and pound foolish remains as relevant today as it was in October 2024.
Author: Dilum Alagiyawanna is a telecommunications engineer turned environmental and wildlife conservationist, citizen scientist and wildlife documentary filmmaker. His work bridges science, public policy and sustainable development, with particular emphasis on the long-term conservation of Sri Lanka’s elephants and other threatened species.
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The Communist Party of Sri Lanka has warned that ‘Israel and other foreign powers are planning to establish “spaceports” on Sri Lanka’s East Coast’ and claimed ‘the NPP government is getting involved in US space domain activities’ ( The Island , October 29, 2026).
Whether these warnings warrant serious consideration or not, certain immutable facts relating to Sri Lanka’s policy of a neutral state cannot be ignored. One such fact that has guided this government is its foreign policy of neutrality requires ‘that neutral space comprises the national territory of the neutral state, its territorial waters and its national air space’, and as such its territory including its territorial waters and air space is NOT NEGOTIABLE. This policy has been adhered to during the ongoing Middle East conflict, where the US sought permission to land two aircraft and the government declined permission on grounds of neutrality.
In such a context, for any officers, military or civil, to participate in discussions that compromise principles of neutrality amounts to a violation of government’s policy of neutrality reiterated by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath. Therefore, any discussions relating to prospective ‘spaceports’ is taboo.
PRINCIPLES and DUTIES of a NEUTRAL STATE
Based on an ICRC Publication on Neutrality, June 2022.
The introduction of this publication states: ‘The sources of the international law of neutrality are customary international law and, for certain questions, international treaties, in particular the Paris Declaration of 1856, the 1907 Hague Convention No. V respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case of War on Land, the 1907 Hague Convention No. XIII concerning the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in Naval War, the four 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of 1977.’
‘The territory of a neutral state is inviolable. It is prohibited to commit any act of hostility whatsoever on such territory. Neutrality describes the formal position taken by a state which is not participating in an armed conflict or which does not want to become involved. This status entails specific rights and duties. On the one hand, the neutral State has the right to stand apart from and not be adversely affected by the conflict. On the other hand, it has a duty of non-participation and impartiality.
Neutral space comprises the national territory of the neutral state, its territorial waters and its national air space. Neutral persons are nationals of neutral states. They lose their neutral status if they commit hostile acts against a belligerent. Individuals may join the armed forces of a belligerent party, but then they also lose their neutral status. They still have all the guarantees of protection that a member of those forces would enjoy, and therefore are entitled to POW status if they are subsequently captured. If, however, they can be defined as mercenaries, whom we covered in an earlier lesson, they do not have the right to be considered as combatants or POWs.
As long as their home state maintains normal diplomatic relations with the belligerent state they are living in or visiting, neutral persons are to be treated in the same way as they would be in peacetime. They remain under diplomatic protection. If there are no such diplomatic relations, neutral persons are entitled to be treated as protected persons under the Fourth Geneva Convention. It makes no difference to their status if they are civilians or members of the armed forces of the neutral State to which they belong.’
3. THE DUTIES OF NEUTRAL STATES (Ibid)
‘Policy and instructions – the neutral State must also take measures to ensure and enforce the protection of its neutrality in the neutral space for which it is responsible in relation to the belligerent parties and, in particular, their armed forces. To obtain neutral status, the State does not have to make a formal declaration, nor do other States or parties formally have to recognise such status. A formal declaration will only have the effect of making neutral status better known.
The armed forces of the neutral state also require clear instructions on how they are to operate in relation to the defence of their territory and in dealing with incursions. For isolated and accidental violations of neutral space, the instructions might include the need to issue warnings or give a demonstration of force. For increasingly numerous and serious violations, a general warning might be called for and the use of force stepped up.
Particular obligations – the neutral State must ensure respect for its neutrality, if necessary, using force to repel any violation of its territory. Violations include failure to respect the prohibitions placed on belligerent parties with regard to certain activities in neutral territory, described above. The fact that a neutral State uses force to repel attempts to violate its neutrality cannot be regarded as a hostile act. If the neutral state defends its neutrality, it must however respect the limits which international law imposes on the use of force. The neutral state must treat the opposing belligerent states impartially.
This obligation does not mean that a state is bound to treat the belligerents in exactly the same way. It entails a prohibition on discrimination.
It forbids only differential treatment of the belligerents which in view of the specific problem of armed conflict is not justified. Therefore, a neutral state is not obliged to eliminate differences in commercial relations between itself and each of the parties to the conflict at the time of the outbreak of the armed conflict. It is entitled to continue existing commercial relations. A change in these commercial relationships could, however, constitute taking sides inconsistent with the status of neutrality.
A neutral state must never assist a party to the armed conflict, in particular it must not supply warships, ammunition or other war materials directly or indirectly to a belligerent power, but otherwise its trade with the belligerent States remains unaffected.’
The material presented above embodies internationally recognised practices that should be adopted by a neutral state.
Stated above are the PRINCIPLES and DUTIES of a NEUTRAL STATE as recognised under International Law. Therefore, it is the duty of all states to recognise and respect the rights of States, such as Sri Lanka that have declared neutrality as its policy in its relations with other States.
If members of the current Sri Lankan government are engaged in discussions with foreign governments relating to issues that compromise its policy of neutrality, they should cease forthwith for reasons stated above. Furthermore, the government needs to formally make its members, particularly those in the military who engage with foreign government representatives to develop relationships and further their agendas, aware of the stakes involved.
Continue Reading Features America votes for change: What 2026 midterms mean for Trump and the world Published
by Colonel Nalin Herath (Retd), RSP
The 2026 United States midterm elections have delivered a significant political message. By taking control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate, the Democrats have changed the political balance in Washington and introduced a new dimension to President Donald Trump’s second term. This is more than an electoral setback for the Republican Party. It is a reminder that even a president with considerable political influence is ultimately answerable to the electorate. The results reflect growing public dissatisfaction with the direction of the country. Economic pressures, the cost of living, concerns over government accountability and the consequences of the conflict with Iran featured prominently in the political debate. Voters who supported Trump’s return to the White House in 2024 have now demonstrated that electoral support is neither permanent nor unconditional.
Midterm elections are traditionally viewed as a referendum on the sitting president. This election has reinforced that political reality. Pres Trump made himself central to the Republican campaign, effectively inviting voters to assess his leadership. The outcome suggests that a substantial section of the electorate wanted a different direction. The Democratic victory, however, should not be interpreted as an unconditional endorsement of every Democratic policy. It is equally a reflection of dissatisfaction with the incumbent administration. American voters have expressed their preference through the constitutional process, and the political establishment must respond accordingly.
A new balance of power in Washington
The Democratic takeover of both chambers of Congress will fundamentally change the legislative environment. The House can exercise greater oversight through investigations, hearings and control of legislative proceedings. The Senate can influence legislation, scrutinise presidential appointments and determine the progress of important national initiatives. Trump remains President, with his constitutional executive powers intact. However, the next two years are likely to require considerably more negotiation and political compromise. The possibility of legislative deadlock is also real. A divided government can strengthen institutional checks and balances, but it can also delay decisions on taxation, immigration, public spending and national security. The challenge will be to ensure that political competition does not become an obstacle to effective governance.
The consequences extend well beyond American domestic politics. The United States remains a central actor in international security, global trade, technology, finance and diplomatic affairs. Political changes in Washington therefore have consequences for countries far beyond its borders.
First, America’s relationships with traditional allies will remain under scrutiny. European countries and NATO members will be watching whether Washington maintains consistency in its security commitments and international partnerships. Second, strategic competition with China will continue to shape American foreign policy. Although there is considerable bipartisan support for maintaining America’s strategic position in the Indo-Pacific, differences may emerge over trade, military spending, technology restrictions and diplomatic engagement. Third, the Middle East will remain a major foreign policy challenge. The political consequences of the conflict with Iran, including its economic and security implications, will place additional pressure on the administration to explain its strategic objectives and the costs of its international engagements. For countries in the Indian Ocean, these developments deserve particular attention. America’s engagement with regional maritime security, freedom of navigation, strategic partnerships and regional connectivity will remain important considerations.
What does this mean for American democracy?
Perhaps the most important dimension of this election is institutional. American democracy is built around the separation of powers, electoral accountability and the ability of different political institutions to constrain one another. The midterm results demonstrate that congressional control can change even when the presidency remains in the hands of the opposing party. However, electoral accountability alone cannot resolve the deeper divisions within American society. Political polarisation, economic inequality, immigration debates, public confidence in institutions and the influence of technology on political discourse remain significant challenges. The question is whether political leaders can move beyond electoral confrontation and rebuild a degree of public trust.
The midterm outcome will inevitably accelerate political preparations for the 2028 presidential election. Both parties will begin reassessing their leadership, political strategies and electoral coalitions. For Trump, the remaining two years of his presidency will involve governing with a Congress controlled by the opposition. For Democrats, the responsibility will be to demonstrate that electoral success can translate into effective governance. Neither party can afford to treat the outcome as a permanent political settlement. American politics remains dynamic, and the next presidential election will be shaped by developments that have yet to unfold.
The 2026 midterms offer a wider lesson for democracies everywhere. Political authority is not simply secured through electoral victories; it must be sustained through public confidence, institutional credibility and the ability to respond to people’s concerns. For the international community, the central question is not whether America will remain powerful. Its economic, military, technological and diplomatic resources will continue to make it a major global power. The more important question is how consistently it will exercise that power.
A country that remains politically divided at home may find it increasingly difficult to provide predictable leadership abroad. Equally, a functioning system of checks and balances can strengthen institutional accountability and reinforce democratic legitimacy. The American electorate has delivered its message. The responsibility now rests with both political parties to demonstrate that democracy is not merely about winning elections, but about governing in the interests of the nation. Ultimately, America’s future will be determined not only by who occupies the White House, but also by how effectively its institutions work together.
(The writer is the Secretary General of the Ceylon Chamber of Shipping, former Director General of the Institute of National Security Studies (INSS), and former Spokesman of the Ministry of Defence. He is also a Non-Resident Fellow at the London Dialogue. His areas of expertise include international relations, geopolitics, maritime affairs, national security, economic policy, and strategic governance. He is a consultant at JITT Group and a member of World Pace Board).
Continue Reading Features The Prisoner of Zenda , where suspense grips reader Published
I have thus far in this series dealt with mystery stories. These inevitably involve suspense, though the converse does not hold true, and there are lots of stories full of suspense in which there is no mystery. Having for half a year now looked at mysteries, I thought of moving to the other sort, where there may be no mystery but where the suspense grips one.
by Anthony Hope in 1894 heralded a cult of what has been termed Ruritanian novels, set in what would in those days have seemed in England tempestuous remote regions of Europe. It was predominantly the Balkans that fitted this characterisation, an area in which, after the Turks retreated, Austria and Russia fought for influence, the former backed by a newly united Germany under Prussia, the latter moving into alliance with France and through that England.
The plot of The Prisoner of Zenda is compelling, and led to it being filmed several times over. The first time was in 1937, with then heart throb Ronald Colman as the hero Rudolf Rassendyl and Douglas Fairbanks also a heart throb as the dynamic villain Rupert of Hentzau.
Fifteen years later, Stewart Granger became the hero and James Mason Rupert. Deborah Kerr was the heroine, the role taken by Madeleine Carroll previously. And both films had wonderful actors in support, Raymond Massey and David Niven in 1937 and in 1957 Louis Calhern, who had played Julius Caesar in the celebrated film that starred James Mason and John Gielgud and Marlon Brando.
Hope was barely known by my contemporaries at Oxford, for he had passed out of fashion in the brave new world that emerged, not after the Second World War, but a decade later when a British Prime Minister could claim, in all seriousness, that his people had never had it so good. But I was lucky to find that the father of one of my friends, who was a philosophy don at Christ Church, was an aficionado of Hope, and we much enjoyed talking about him, and about much else, which I suspect the rest of his family thought very old fashioned.
But even from him I could not get a copy of the book, and now I cannot remember where, twenty years later, I finally found it. But where I first read it came back to me vividly as I read it for a second time, hugely enjoying it again. This was in the little room in the guesthouse at Sabaragamuwa University which had been left at my disposal. My driver Kithsiri had the staff room at the back, while I could house visitors in the other two rooms down below. This did not happen too often, after the first early years of showing off the place to friends.
The window of my bedroom looked out on the staff canteen, and year after year whoever ran it would bring me a cup of coffee at 6 o’clock, which I drank whilst lying in bed. Indeed, I spent most of my time in the house in that large double bed for, though I sometimes marked papers at the dining table upstairs, it was just as easy to do this in bed. And when I did not have such work, I would read there till long after the canteen lights went out.
It was there that, in a night or two, I finished The Prisoner of Zenda . For its plot was compelling, involving the dramatic adventures of the young Englishman Rudolf Rassendyl, who tells the story, having gone to Ruritania because of a family legend about a close connection between his family and the Ruritanian royal family. This was that a former king had, while in England before taking up his throne, had an affair with a Rassendyl lady.
The kingdom of Ruritania, the setting of The Prisoner of Zenda , is clearly in the Balkans, which had become a centre of intrigue in the struggles of European nations for dominance by 1894, when the novel appeared. Later Ruritanian novels, as tales of intrigue set in that region which followed were called, sometimes involved struggles for international influence there but Hope himself dwelt only on internal intrigues, the machinations of royalty and their hangers on for power and also for romance.
Royalty in Ruritania however also involved the English, for as a result of the affair of earlier years the heir to the Rassendyll Earldom was in fact an Elphberg, the family name of the royal family of Ruritania. But the characteristic red hair of the Elphbergs appeared only sporadically. Rudolph had it, which is what motivated him to explore travel to Ruritania, but once there he found that he was the spitting image of its new king, who was shortly to be crowned.
But the future King Rudolph’s half-brother Black Michael has other ideas, and drugs the king so that he cannot get to the coronation. And when his loyal companions discover this, they persuade Rassendyl, who has been drinking with the king the previous night, to take his place. That impersonation works well, and Rudolf receives the adulation of the citizens, but then what had been intended as a masquerade for a night has to be protracted, for the king is kidnapped by his brother and kept a prisoner in the Castle of Zenda.
The good guys then have to try to rescue the king while keeping the impersonation secret, most vitally from the king’s cousin Princess Flavia, who was meant to marry the king but has been averse to him though now she falls in love with Rassendyl and he with her.
The situation is compounded by a French lady. Antoinette de Mauban, who is in love with Black Michael, but warns Rassendyl about his stratagems, in part because she is comparatively decent, in part because Michael plans, if he eliminates both Rudolphs, to marry Flavia himself. And then to complicate matters further, one of Black Michael’s henchmen, Rudolph of Hentzau, is not so loyal as not to try to seduce Antoinette himself. He tries to involve Rassendyl in a plot to eliminate Michael, so they can share the spoils as he sees them, but of course Rassendyl turns him down. But then Rupert gets carried away, not perhaps by lust so much as by his love of devilry, and in the ensuing melee, Rassendyl having been able to bribe his way into the castle, the king is rescued.
Unlike the other henchmen, Rupert survives to take centre stage along with Rassendyl in the sequel. But otherwise all ends well, with everyone having a piece of the action, including the ill-treated king. Or rather, the king having recovered, there is also sadness for Rassendyl and Flavia, for they have to part so she can do her duty for the king and country.
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