Home / Publications / From Protests in Kenya to Occupied Crimea: What Unites Generation Z Across Different Countries
Generation Z around the world lives in different circumstances and faces different challenges. Yet they use similar tools to speak out and take action: social media, grassroots organising without traditional hierarchies, memes and videos, and digital solidarity. At the same time, they face similar risks – repression, political co-optation, disinformation, disillusionment with traditional politics and the temptation to settle for simple answers to complex questions.
These were the common themes that emerged during the roundtable discussion “The World of Generation Z: What Unites Young People Across Continents Today?” , organised by the Media Initiative for Human Rights (MIHR) as part of the fourth international conference “Crimea Global. Understanding Ukraine through the South”, held in Kyiv. The discussion brought together young activists, journalists and researchers from Kenya, Brazil, Ukraine, Australia, India and Sri Lanka . Their experiences vary widely – from street protests and anti-corruption campaigns to life under occupation, Russian influence and the search for new forms of political participation. The discussion was moderated by Maria Tomak , co-organiser of the Crimea Global conference.
So what really unites a generation growing up in such different circumstances, and can Gen Z truly become a force capable of reshaping the political landscape in their respective countries? These were the questions at the heart of the discussion.
Sophie Mugure Njehia , a political and civic activist from Kenya, believes her country is one of the most beautiful in the world, with wonderful people. Yet behind this image lie systemic problems that have built up over decades: corruption, tribal divisions, inequality and a political system in which power remains largely in the hands of the older generation.
According to the activist, the average age of Kenya’s population is around 19, while political leaders are often in their 60s, 70s or even 80s. It was against this backdrop that the youth protests of 2024 took place.
“We grew up going to school together. At school, we met people from different communities and didn’t think of them as belonging to one community or another. That’s why our slogan in 2024 was ‘We Are Tribeless’. We took to the streets and said that our economic problems don’t care which tribe you belong to. They affect us all as a nation.”
Protesters spoke out against corruption, police brutality and economic hardship. The authorities responded with tear gas, weapons, arrests and violence.
Sophie spoke about friends who had been killed in the streets, people whom she and other protesters had carried to hospital, and those whose injuries meant they could never return to normal life. Yet this very violence unexpectedly fostered an even stronger sense of solidarity.
“I think that is our strength, because love is our strength. They couldn’t understand why we cared so deeply about one another: I might not even know you, but I would still come to see you in hospital, bring you food and keep doing that every day for four months.”
The activist also described another side of protest politics – attempts by the authorities to co-opt the movement rather than suppress it. Some activists were offered jobs, cars and housing in an effort to buy their loyalty.
“Some people do fall silent. Because of this, we lose many powerful voices.”
Sophie explained that young Kenyans are therefore gradually shifting their focus from street protests to elections. The cost of constant protests is too high: people are killed, disappear or suffer injuries. The next stage of their struggle is to build a new political culture and encourage young people to vote.
King’ori Wangechi , a Kenyan journalist, producer and presenter at the popular Kenyan news outlet Tuko.co.ke, discussed the role of digital platforms.
He pointed out that digital activism in Kenya did not begin in 2024. Kenyans had already been using social media to reshape how their country was perceived internationally.
In 2015, ahead of Barack Obama’s visit to Kenya, CNN described the country as a “hotbed of terrorism”. In response, Kenyan social media users began sharing photographs of wildlife, Nairobi and tourist attractions on a massive scale, presenting a different image of their country.
According to King’ori, the campaign gained so much momentum that CNN was forced to send one of its executives to Kenya to apologise to the president in person. However, the real test of digital mobilisation came in 2024.
The protests were planned through X Spaces (virtual rooms for live audio conversations on the social media platform X). According to the journalist, the political establishment simply did not understand how it worked.
“They couldn’t understand how Kenyans were gathering in Spaces to plan protests. To them, Space meant NASA, something beyond the atmosphere. They couldn’t grasp how ordinary Kenyans were using X Spaces to organise protests here on Earth.”
As a result, digital mobilisation extended far beyond the internet. Protesters entered the parliament building, forcing MPs to flee through an underground tunnel. The government made concessions: the president withdrew the finance bill, the cabinet was dissolved, and the authorities began looking for ways to engage in dialogue with young people.
Pedro Rafael Pérez de Azevedo , President of the Association of Young Entrepreneurs of the State of Rio de Janeiro, believes that Gen Z is not the only generation to take to the streets in protest.
Pedro described successive waves of protests in Brazil, dating back to the caras pintadas (“painted faces”) movement of the 1990s. Later waves of youth mobilisation emerged amid economic and political crises. Pedro himself was one of the leaders of protests in Rio de Janeiro, where, he said, millions of people filled Copacabana Beach.
However, Brazil’s experience differs from that of many other countries represented in the discussion in one important respect: the regular transfer of power through elections.
Comparing Brazil and Venezuela, Pedro stressed that young people in Brazil at least have the opportunity to change the country’s political direction through voting. In Venezuela, by contrast, Generation Z has effectively grown up in the same political environment – from the era of Hugo Chavez to the present day.
For the Ukrainian participants in the discussion, social media had a very different significance. For young people who grew up in occupied Crimea, the internet was not a tool for organising protests but a window onto a world that the occupation authorities sought to cut them off from.
Daria Fursova , who left Crimea in 2021 at the age of 17, spoke about this experience.
“Social media gave me a chance to see life in free Ukraine – Ukrainian politics, Ukrainian young people and those who live and study here.”
According to Fursova, traditional sources of information under occupation offered virtually no opportunity to see a different perspective. Social media therefore became a way to stay connected to what was happening in Ukraine. It was a matter of identity.
“Under occupation, we were largely cut off from information and couldn’t feel part of the Ukrainian community. But thanks to social media, you see the people you follow and realise they are just like you. They recognise the same problems. You can identify with them and feel a sense of unity. Russia tried to divide people and destroy Ukrainian identity. That is why it is so important to understand your own identity. I am Ukrainian. And I am Crimean. We need to remain part of this shared, united community.”
Mykyta Derbas , an 18-year-old student from Sevastopol, was just five years old when Russia occupied Crimea. He remembers military vehicles on the streets, pro-Russian rallies in Sevastopol’s central square and the uncertainty felt by adults. The full-scale invasion in 2022 changed how he viewed Crimea and his own future.
“I realised that the occupation of my home was part of a much larger war against Ukraine. So I decided to finish school and enrol at a Ukrainian university through a programme for people from temporarily occupied territories. I believe that the return of the Ukrainian flag to Crimea will not mark the end of the process. It will mark the beginning. I want us to be the generation that helped bring it back.”
Viktoriia Polfuntikova , a 23-year-old woman from Crimea who left the occupied peninsula about a year ago, spoke about another aspect – a sense of connection with her generation. She, too, was a child when the occupation began and grew up in an environment where Russian propaganda was part of everyday life. Yet social media allowed her to see other countries and youth movements. She watched videos of protests around the world and saw herself in the people taking part.
After returning to Ukrainian-controlled territory, Viktoriia joined protests against the dismissal of former Defence Minister Mykhailo Fedorov. She realised that she, too, was now part of the major changes being driven by young people around the world.
Kyle George Tankard Swain , an Australian student and Crimea Global volunteer, had a very different experience in his home country, with its stable democracy, established institutions and much longer history of political continuity.
Australia faces different challenges. Kyle spoke about a crisis of political identity among young Australians, the rise of the far right and far left, and the growing tendency to reduce complex issues to simple, easily digestible messages.
“When we talk about Ukraine at our universities, or Kenya, or any issue other than Palestine, these topics often receive no attention at all. Populism has reduced every complex issue to its simplest, most easily digestible form.”
Dr Mridula Ghosh , Chair of the Board of the East European Development Institute, Head of the Department of Area Studies at the Faculty of International Relations and Governance, NaUKMA, who has worked with Ukrainian young people for many years while also following youth protest movements in India, believes it is dangerous to treat Gen Z as a homogeneous political force. India is an exceptionally complex society, and many young people from poorer and socially marginalised groups are not represented in these movements at all.
“It would be an exaggeration to say that Gen Z is a panacea for Indian democracy. It is predominantly the urban, educated middle class.”
At the same time, India’s experience shows just how inventive youth movements can be, particularly when the authorities themselves hand them a symbol. The “Cockroach” activist movement emerged after protesters were disparagingly labelled “cockroaches”.
“They simply said: fine, we’re cockroaches. And they turned it to their advantage. It was very clever. The authorities could no longer argue against their own words.”
For Ghosh, this illustrates a new kind of political culture: young people do not necessarily play by the rules imposed on them by the established political system.
Saroj Pathirana , a Sri Lankan journalist, recalled how a youth-led protest movement in Sri Lanka became one of the most prominent in the region in 2022. It emerged amid an economic crisis and a sharp rise in the cost of living. People queued for fuel, gas and other essential goods. The protest movement was massive but lacked clear leadership and a political programme.
“Gen Z is a very inspiring movement, a wonderful thing. But they had neither leadership nor an agenda.”
Ultimately, the movement succeeded in bringing down the president but could not ensure that the political system that followed would be the one people had taken to the streets to fight for. In the end, the old political forces returned to the political arena.
“They managed to achieve something that had never happened before in Sri Lanka – ousting an authoritarian president. It was incredibly inspiring. But in the end, we did not end up where we wanted to be.”
Yuliia Mykulych , a former Ukrainian diplomat who worked in Indonesia, described how Russia uses educational, cultural and youth platforms to exert influence. It organises conferences, establishes youth organisations and diplomatic centres, and runs cultural events and educational programmes in the country.
“Many conferences and platforms do not even appear to have anything to do with politics. Russia takes advantage of Indonesia’s so-called ‘free and active’ foreign policy and tries to engage with those who do not want to talk about politics.”
According to Mykulych, what makes this particularly dangerous is that such organisations often appear entirely local. They are established by Indonesians for Indonesians. But a closer look reveals Russian involvement. Russian cultural centres serve as platforms for engaging young people, yet they are unmistakably politicised. Yuliia recalled events linked to Russia’s “Victory Day”, where young Indonesians made matryoshka dolls that were later sent to Russian soldiers.
At the same time, participants cautioned against treating Gen Z as a single generation with shared values and political views. Young people in different countries have different experiences, ideologies and challenges. The energy of protest alone is therefore not enough – political education, critical thinking, leadership skills and responsibility for one’s own decisions are also essential. Experience shows that this awareness and sense of responsibility remain important even after protests, successful overthrows of governments and the end of war.
It is not just about protecting democratic institutions but also about renewing them: making politics more accessible to young people, giving them genuine opportunities to participate, speaking their language and helping new, compelling voices emerge. At the same time, education, political pluralism and young people’s ability to distinguish genuine societal problems from the simplistic answers offered by populists or authoritarian regimes remain essential.
The question today, then, is no longer simply whether Generation Z can change the world. It has already demonstrated its ability to mobilise. The much greater challenge is taking responsibility for what comes after those changes.
For more information about the outcomes of previous Crimea Global events and the latest updates, visit the conference’s official website: https://www.crimea-global.com/
Organizers : Mission of the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea / Office of the Crimea Platform , the Human Rights Centre ZMINA , the Media Initiative for Human Rights .
Partners: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine , Ukrainian Institute , Transatlantic Dialogue Center .
Supported by: International Renaissance Foundation, Askold and Dir Fund, implemented by ISAR Ednannia, funded by Norway and Sweden, Hanns Seidel Stiftung, Forum 2000 Foundation, and Czech organization People in Need within the SOS Ukraine initiative.
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